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POLITICAL COMMUNICATIONS ESSAY
'Assess the significance of media news values and framing of politics on the image of Australian politics/politicians.'
STUDENT NAME: Nicole Coggan
ID NUMBER: 116608
EXTENSION DATE: 09 MAY, MONDAY
LECTURER: Dr. Trish Payne
UNIT #, NAME: 5571, Political Communication
TUTORIAL: Tuesday, 1230h - 1400h 9B9
ASSIGNMENT BOX #:
NB: Assignment extension email copy enclosed
Media coverage of political issues is essential in bridging the gap between the public and their government representatives. The media has a dual role in educating the public and in shaping the image of politicians through its various mediums. With the help of image making through the media, politicians have become akin to brand names that consumers can identify because they are familiar with the publicity these politicians receive, and are reassured by the image they present. The way in which a politician's appearance is publicised and reported by the media can have a profound impact on a politician's credibility. Media news values deem personality and style to be as significant as policy and substance, especially within a consumer-focused media environment where stories need to be correctly framed in order for them to sell or broadcast. It is in this environment that political parties exist primarily as images within voters’ minds. Politicians become the product, packaged by their media profile. Political parties are able to identify and exploit these images to their advantage, and have as much power over controlling media imagery as the media have in using news values to support or discredit them in return.
News stories run on artificial narratives, with stories shaped around a beginning, middle and an end. In this fashion, journalists simplify political news into predetermined frames. These frames decide the way in which a news story is written and presented, for example identifying characters within a narrative as ‘good’ or ‘evil’, or classifying female politicians as "'Steel Sheilas', 'Superstar Housewives,' and 'Covergirls'." (Baird: 2004: p46). A series of news values aid journalists in choosing the aspects of a politician’s image they will be reporting, and how they will present the news as simple narratives. These include ideas such as power, controversy, novelty, unambiguity, and locality. Scandals in politics are particularly attractive to reporters as they carry news values of novelty and controversy, which stand out from the predictable run of daily events wherein "…Each day is a mad scramble to break stories…and spin the plates of newspaper rounds like health, education, rural affairs…" (Baird: 2004: p8). It is noted that in this environment "…[journalists] searched for variations on the major theme of constant bombing…" (Tiffen:1999: p127), so therefore, when applied to reporting politics, a scandal becomes an interesting detour from 'run of the mill' political events.
One example of political scandal gaining more media coverage as a news value over actual policies and 'real' news is the Monica Lewinsky affair during American President Bill Clinton's administration in 1998. Although it was an American scandal, it did demonstrate how entertainment as a news value could draw attention away from politics and make the President’s personal conduct hold more weight than issues which actually affected lives, such as Clinton’s efforts to encourage a peace agreement between Israel and Palestine.
“The next morning we met with Arafat…the White House allowed the press into the Oval Office for a photo opportunity. [Presidents Clinton and Arafat] responded to a few inquiries about the peace process, [then Clinton] was asked about Monica Lewinsky. I couldn’t help wondering what Arafat was thinking. He had come to discuss the fate of his people, [but] whilst the eyes of the world were focused on Washington, they weren’t seeing a debate on the great issues of war and peace. Instead they were witnessing the creation of a new era - entitled 'All Monica, All The Time’.” (Albright: 2003:p300)
This passage from ex-US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright’s memoirs reflects the media’s saturation of both the political and public agenda to the detriment of real political issues. The damage that the scandal made to President Clinton’s image implied that it was more important for a leader to have the right morals than to have the right policies. The Lewinsky Sex scandal undoubtedly rated well in terms of audience-grabbing news value, as Albright labelled it, news media was filled with 'All Monica, All The Time'. Much of the speculation surrounding the affair, and related incidents allegedly involving other women, had little to do with the question of perjury and plenty to do with keeping audiences interested. "…Before the Monica Lewinsky subplot, the audience was beginning to get bored with the Clinton administration," observed Andersen in the New York Times, "…Now they’re interested again." (Andersen: 1998: p34).
A similar example of media news values positioning style over substance is that of Australian politician Cheryl Kernot. In 1997, a news story detailing an affair she had with a former high school student was aired. Whilst her destruction was partially due to poor judgement on her own behalf, Kernot was torn down by both the media and her fellow politicians, under claims that the politician’s private life, like their policies was public property. One of the pre-established frames for female politicians is that they are "…cleaner, more ethical than men…" and are "…Trumpeted as sincere, honest and accessible…" (Baird: 2004: p2) The image in the media that Kernot encouraged and created before the first scandal took advantage of this frame. However, the outbreak of that scandal and the one which followed it only helped to destroy the image of trustworthiness that she had built. When further scandal concerning a different affair was released after Kernot's withdrawal from politics, the ethics of the journalist who released the story were called into question. In retrospect to the media handling of the Lewinsky scandal, the new smear against Kernot was considered out of line, particularly because she was no longer a part of Australian politics. Political editor of the Australian Financial Review, Tony Walker said that "…the story could not be justified on public interest grounds…"(Baird: 2004: p191). Media treatment of both issues suggested that society ought to demand politicians adhere to increasingly high standards of public accountability. The process of investigating the 'facts' each affair lowered the standards of what passes for political reporting in the media. Reporting of the news values which formed the basis of these stories reinforced the convention that style, as a part of a politician's image was more important than substance.
The reporting of political issues in the media depends upon how easily the issue can be framed. According research by Galtung and Ruge, "…the simplicity and unambiguity of an event increases the likelihood of media coverage." (Galtung & Ruge : 1965). Furthermore, the need for political events to be presented as narratives results in characterisation of sides as good and evil, for example the reporting of hostage taking in Iraq. The relative simplicity of framing the hostage takers as the villains in the grand plot of the 'War Against Evil (Terror)' allows the media to explain the story to its audience in general and familiar terms. It also allows politicians such as John Howard and his international allies to frame themselves as advocates of 'the greater good', and instead of having their image portrayed as warmongers themselves, are seen as performing necessary tasks to protect their nations. Closure of an issue is another important factor of media news value. In an effort to present issues in an as black-and-white manner as possible, complex issues such as Howard's war on Iraq are reduced and compartmentalised to the extent of trivialising the event, complete with winners, losers, and a dramatic plot.
"Image making for Australian politicians began with crude stereotypes of the 'Ocker Man'," suggests Jupp in Party Politics: Australia (1982). Establishing an image of 'Australian-ness’ is important in Australian politics. Positioning brand name politicians away from the perceived stuffiness of politics encourages voters to regard politicians as 'one of us'. The image they present to consumers becomes one of trustworthiness and connection with the people. Visual imagery through the use of symbolic cues also plays an important part in directing media frames and news values. Symbols such as the Australian Flag, or staged actions such as kissing a baby, or planting a tree, even the sound bytes which politicians give, influence media framing of an event. Community perceptions are not only shaped by the rationale of policy, but by the perceptions and image they have of the individuals who deliver them on behalf of the party.
John Howard uses numerous visual cues designed to establish his image as a strong political leader and as an Australian. According to O'Shaughnessy and Stadler, images are polysemic in nature. The readings taken from images are associated with cultural knowledge and plausible interpretation. (O'Shaughnessy & Stadler : 2002: p 87). Australians identify the flag as a representation of Australian ideals. It is Australian because it is 'Our Flag', and its meaning is drawn from both the present and from history. To associate oneself with the flag is to identify oneself as an Australian citizen, and as having some role in the ownership of the nation. The image on the right shows Prime Minister John Howard winning the election in March 1996. The Australian flag whilst only a background object, identifies Howard as an Australian citizen. When the image of the flag is coupled with the title of 'Prime Minister' implies a status of trustworthiness and power as the leader of a nation. Further image building of Howard's role as Prime Minister ensures he is always pictured with some symbol of Australian governance, such as parliamentary backdrops, the flag, or the coat of arms. Cultural knowledge and plausible explanation combine to interpret this image of John Howard as one of leadership and victory. The cues are in his body language; his raised hands, tuned outwards in receipt, his grin, the raised podium which gives him an air of superiority, and of course, the Australian flag. The insertion of these symbols into Howard’s image gives him ownership of Australia's national symbols, thus solidifying public perception of his skills as a leader.
Another of the visual cues adapted by Howard mimics tactics used in America, a nation that is internationally believed to wield great power. To create this image, Howard speaks to the Canberra Press Gallery from within the setting of the Prime Ministerial Courtyard at Parliament house. The layout of the courtyard allows the Prime Minister to have the gallery at his feet, and an exit through which he can retreat as soon as the conference is finished - on his terms. The use of a podium to raise the Prime Minister above the crowd has connotations of superiority and control. This illusion of power that Howard creates also serves as a dominant news value in journalistic reporting. Although it is widely acknowledged that all politicians "…speak in soundbites..." (Dodson: 2005),
journalists and editors draw heavily on their experience of audience expectations. They know which types of stories have had a major impact on public consciousness in the past, of what is important to the public agenda, and the frames which audiences want to see and hear about Australian politicians. Politicians have as much power over controlling their media image as the media have in using news values as power over them. Politicians and the media have a symbiotic relationship, as politicians cannot gain publicity without the media, and without politicians, the media has no source for newsmaking. This symbiosis therefore gives Howard as the Prime Minister further advantage in reinforcing his credibility as a leader despite having made numerous betrayals in election promises.
The significance of media news values and framing on the image of Australian politicians is one which is symbiotic in nature, and can have both positive and negative effects. Without the media, politicians have no avenue for publicity. An inability to create and maintain their images as being in control, powerful, trustworthy and particularly as real Australian citizens would result in a lack of faith from their audience. Politicians need the media to market their image. A politician's media representation is what consumers remember, partially as a result of style having been framed over substance as more newsworthy, but also because the media is often the only channel through which consumers can see their politicians and hear their policies. The use of symbolic imagery such as the Australian flag by the Prime Minister frames his image as both the owner of and as one of the Australian people. The negative effects of media news values on the image of Australian politicians on the other hand, lies in the need to keep media audiences entertained. As demonstrated by the media response to President Clinton's and Cheryl Kernot's affairs, the media's attraction to scandalous events can potentially cloud their judgement of other, relevant political issues, resulting in unequal coverage of events which are entertaining against events which are in the public interest. The overall significance of news values on the image of Australian politicians is that they set the frames for audiences to interpret political messages, without necessarily providing all of the background details.
BIBLIOGRAPHY:
Andersen, K. (1998), "Entertainer-In-Chief", The New Yorker, February 16, p. 34, Manhattan: Condé Nast Publications.
Albright, M. (2003). Madam Secretary, Chapter 19, pp.306 -318. New York: MacMillan.
Baird, J. (2004). Media Tarts: How the Australian Press Frames Female Politicians. Melbourne: Scribe Publications.
Dodson, L. (2005) "Divergent Views Vital to Howard's Broad Church", Sydney Morning Herald, March 22, p 13. Fairfax.
Galtung, J. & Ruge, M. (1965), cited in Underwood, M. CCMS Media Studies Infobase Mass Media: News Values, Accessed: 24 March 2005, http://www.cultsock.ndirect.co.uk/MUHome/cshtml/index.html
Hall Jamieson, K. & Waldman, P. (2003). The Press Effect, Politicians, Journalists, and the Stories that Shape the Political World, Chapter 5. Oxford: Oxofrd University Press.
Jupp, J. (1982). Party Politics: Australia 1966-1981. Sydney: Allen and Unwin.
"Kernot, Cheryl." (2005). Encyclopædia Britannica. Encyclopædia Britannica Premium Service, Accessed:8 May 2005 http://www.britannica.com/eb/article?tocId=9115372.
Kernot, C. (2002). Speaking for Myself Again: Four Years with Labor and Beyond, Chapter 8, Chapter 12. Australia: Harper Collins.
O'Shaughnessy, M. & Stadler, J. (2002). Media and Society 2nd ed, p. 87. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Simon O'Dwyer (1996) A jubilant John Howard becomes Australia's Prime Minister in March 1996, after the Liberals defeated Labor, ousting Paul Keating. Image in The Age, March 1996 online archive. Accessed: 08 May 2005 www.theage.com.au
Tiffen, R. (2002) in Cunningham, S. & Turner, G. (2002). The Media and Communications in Australia, Chapter 3, pp35-47. Australia: Allen&Unwin.
Tiffen, R. (1999). Scandals: Media Politics and Corruption in Contemporary Australia, Chapter 8 pp 206-239. Sydney: University of New South Wales Press
POLITICAL COMMUNICATIONS ESSAY
'Assess the significance of media news values and framing of politics on the image of Australian politics/politicians.'
STUDENT NAME: Nicole Coggan
ID NUMBER: 116608
EXTENSION DATE: 09 MAY, MONDAY
LECTURER: Dr. Trish Payne
UNIT #, NAME: 5571, Political Communication
TUTORIAL: Tuesday, 1230h - 1400h 9B9
ASSIGNMENT BOX #:
NB: Assignment extension email copy enclosed
Media coverage of political issues is essential in bridging the gap between the public and their government representatives. The media has a dual role in educating the public and in shaping the image of politicians through its various mediums. With the help of image making through the media, politicians have become akin to brand names that consumers can identify because they are familiar with the publicity these politicians receive, and are reassured by the image they present. The way in which a politician's appearance is publicised and reported by the media can have a profound impact on a politician's credibility. Media news values deem personality and style to be as significant as policy and substance, especially within a consumer-focused media environment where stories need to be correctly framed in order for them to sell or broadcast. It is in this environment that political parties exist primarily as images within voters’ minds. Politicians become the product, packaged by their media profile. Political parties are able to identify and exploit these images to their advantage, and have as much power over controlling media imagery as the media have in using news values to support or discredit them in return.
News stories run on artificial narratives, with stories shaped around a beginning, middle and an end. In this fashion, journalists simplify political news into predetermined frames. These frames decide the way in which a news story is written and presented, for example identifying characters within a narrative as ‘good’ or ‘evil’, or classifying female politicians as "'Steel Sheilas', 'Superstar Housewives,' and 'Covergirls'." (Baird: 2004: p46). A series of news values aid journalists in choosing the aspects of a politician’s image they will be reporting, and how they will present the news as simple narratives. These include ideas such as power, controversy, novelty, unambiguity, and locality. Scandals in politics are particularly attractive to reporters as they carry news values of novelty and controversy, which stand out from the predictable run of daily events wherein "…Each day is a mad scramble to break stories…and spin the plates of newspaper rounds like health, education, rural affairs…" (Baird: 2004: p8). It is noted that in this environment "…[journalists] searched for variations on the major theme of constant bombing…" (Tiffen:1999: p127), so therefore, when applied to reporting politics, a scandal becomes an interesting detour from 'run of the mill' political events.
One example of political scandal gaining more media coverage as a news value over actual policies and 'real' news is the Monica Lewinsky affair during American President Bill Clinton's administration in 1998. Although it was an American scandal, it did demonstrate how entertainment as a news value could draw attention away from politics and make the President’s personal conduct hold more weight than issues which actually affected lives, such as Clinton’s efforts to encourage a peace agreement between Israel and Palestine.
“The next morning we met with Arafat…the White House allowed the press into the Oval Office for a photo opportunity. [Presidents Clinton and Arafat] responded to a few inquiries about the peace process, [then Clinton] was asked about Monica Lewinsky. I couldn’t help wondering what Arafat was thinking. He had come to discuss the fate of his people, [but] whilst the eyes of the world were focused on Washington, they weren’t seeing a debate on the great issues of war and peace. Instead they were witnessing the creation of a new era - entitled 'All Monica, All The Time’.” (Albright: 2003:p300)
This passage from ex-US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright’s memoirs reflects the media’s saturation of both the political and public agenda to the detriment of real political issues. The damage that the scandal made to President Clinton’s image implied that it was more important for a leader to have the right morals than to have the right policies. The Lewinsky Sex scandal undoubtedly rated well in terms of audience-grabbing news value, as Albright labelled it, news media was filled with 'All Monica, All The Time'. Much of the speculation surrounding the affair, and related incidents allegedly involving other women, had little to do with the question of perjury and plenty to do with keeping audiences interested. "…Before the Monica Lewinsky subplot, the audience was beginning to get bored with the Clinton administration," observed Andersen in the New York Times, "…Now they’re interested again." (Andersen: 1998: p34).
A similar example of media news values positioning style over substance is that of Australian politician Cheryl Kernot. In 1997, a news story detailing an affair she had with a former high school student was aired. Whilst her destruction was partially due to poor judgement on her own behalf, Kernot was torn down by both the media and her fellow politicians, under claims that the politician’s private life, like their policies was public property. One of the pre-established frames for female politicians is that they are "…cleaner, more ethical than men…" and are "…Trumpeted as sincere, honest and accessible…" (Baird: 2004: p2) The image in the media that Kernot encouraged and created before the first scandal took advantage of this frame. However, the outbreak of that scandal and the one which followed it only helped to destroy the image of trustworthiness that she had built. When further scandal concerning a different affair was released after Kernot's withdrawal from politics, the ethics of the journalist who released the story were called into question. In retrospect to the media handling of the Lewinsky scandal, the new smear against Kernot was considered out of line, particularly because she was no longer a part of Australian politics. Political editor of the Australian Financial Review, Tony Walker said that "…the story could not be justified on public interest grounds…"(Baird: 2004: p191). Media treatment of both issues suggested that society ought to demand politicians adhere to increasingly high standards of public accountability. The process of investigating the 'facts' each affair lowered the standards of what passes for political reporting in the media. Reporting of the news values which formed the basis of these stories reinforced the convention that style, as a part of a politician's image was more important than substance.
The reporting of political issues in the media depends upon how easily the issue can be framed. According research by Galtung and Ruge, "…the simplicity and unambiguity of an event increases the likelihood of media coverage." (Galtung & Ruge : 1965). Furthermore, the need for political events to be presented as narratives results in characterisation of sides as good and evil, for example the reporting of hostage taking in Iraq. The relative simplicity of framing the hostage takers as the villains in the grand plot of the 'War Against Evil (Terror)' allows the media to explain the story to its audience in general and familiar terms. It also allows politicians such as John Howard and his international allies to frame themselves as advocates of 'the greater good', and instead of having their image portrayed as warmongers themselves, are seen as performing necessary tasks to protect their nations. Closure of an issue is another important factor of media news value. In an effort to present issues in an as black-and-white manner as possible, complex issues such as Howard's war on Iraq are reduced and compartmentalised to the extent of trivialising the event, complete with winners, losers, and a dramatic plot.
"Image making for Australian politicians began with crude stereotypes of the 'Ocker Man'," suggests Jupp in Party Politics: Australia (1982). Establishing an image of 'Australian-ness’ is important in Australian politics. Positioning brand name politicians away from the perceived stuffiness of politics encourages voters to regard politicians as 'one of us'. The image they present to consumers becomes one of trustworthiness and connection with the people. Visual imagery through the use of symbolic cues also plays an important part in directing media frames and news values. Symbols such as the Australian Flag, or staged actions such as kissing a baby, or planting a tree, even the sound bytes which politicians give, influence media framing of an event. Community perceptions are not only shaped by the rationale of policy, but by the perceptions and image they have of the individuals who deliver them on behalf of the party.
John Howard uses numerous visual cues designed to establish his image as a strong political leader and as an Australian. According to O'Shaughnessy and Stadler, images are polysemic in nature. The readings taken from images are associated with cultural knowledge and plausible interpretation. (O'Shaughnessy & Stadler : 2002: p 87). Australians identify the flag as a representation of Australian ideals. It is Australian because it is 'Our Flag', and its meaning is drawn from both the present and from history. To associate oneself with the flag is to identify oneself as an Australian citizen, and as having some role in the ownership of the nation. The image on the right shows Prime Minister John Howard winning the election in March 1996. The Australian flag whilst only a background object, identifies Howard as an Australian citizen. When the image of the flag is coupled with the title of 'Prime Minister' implies a status of trustworthiness and power as the leader of a nation. Further image building of Howard's role as Prime Minister ensures he is always pictured with some symbol of Australian governance, such as parliamentary backdrops, the flag, or the coat of arms. Cultural knowledge and plausible explanation combine to interpret this image of John Howard as one of leadership and victory. The cues are in his body language; his raised hands, tuned outwards in receipt, his grin, the raised podium which gives him an air of superiority, and of course, the Australian flag. The insertion of these symbols into Howard’s image gives him ownership of Australia's national symbols, thus solidifying public perception of his skills as a leader.
Another of the visual cues adapted by Howard mimics tactics used in America, a nation that is internationally believed to wield great power. To create this image, Howard speaks to the Canberra Press Gallery from within the setting of the Prime Ministerial Courtyard at Parliament house. The layout of the courtyard allows the Prime Minister to have the gallery at his feet, and an exit through which he can retreat as soon as the conference is finished - on his terms. The use of a podium to raise the Prime Minister above the crowd has connotations of superiority and control. This illusion of power that Howard creates also serves as a dominant news value in journalistic reporting. Although it is widely acknowledged that all politicians "…speak in soundbites..." (Dodson: 2005),
journalists and editors draw heavily on their experience of audience expectations. They know which types of stories have had a major impact on public consciousness in the past, of what is important to the public agenda, and the frames which audiences want to see and hear about Australian politicians. Politicians have as much power over controlling their media image as the media have in using news values as power over them. Politicians and the media have a symbiotic relationship, as politicians cannot gain publicity without the media, and without politicians, the media has no source for newsmaking. This symbiosis therefore gives Howard as the Prime Minister further advantage in reinforcing his credibility as a leader despite having made numerous betrayals in election promises.
The significance of media news values and framing on the image of Australian politicians is one which is symbiotic in nature, and can have both positive and negative effects. Without the media, politicians have no avenue for publicity. An inability to create and maintain their images as being in control, powerful, trustworthy and particularly as real Australian citizens would result in a lack of faith from their audience. Politicians need the media to market their image. A politician's media representation is what consumers remember, partially as a result of style having been framed over substance as more newsworthy, but also because the media is often the only channel through which consumers can see their politicians and hear their policies. The use of symbolic imagery such as the Australian flag by the Prime Minister frames his image as both the owner of and as one of the Australian people. The negative effects of media news values on the image of Australian politicians on the other hand, lies in the need to keep media audiences entertained. As demonstrated by the media response to President Clinton's and Cheryl Kernot's affairs, the media's attraction to scandalous events can potentially cloud their judgement of other, relevant political issues, resulting in unequal coverage of events which are entertaining against events which are in the public interest. The overall significance of news values on the image of Australian politicians is that they set the frames for audiences to interpret political messages, without necessarily providing all of the background details.
BIBLIOGRAPHY:
Andersen, K. (1998), "Entertainer-In-Chief", The New Yorker, February 16, p. 34, Manhattan: Condé Nast Publications.
Albright, M. (2003). Madam Secretary, Chapter 19, pp.306 -318. New York: MacMillan.
Baird, J. (2004). Media Tarts: How the Australian Press Frames Female Politicians. Melbourne: Scribe Publications.
Dodson, L. (2005) "Divergent Views Vital to Howard's Broad Church", Sydney Morning Herald, March 22, p 13. Fairfax.
Galtung, J. & Ruge, M. (1965), cited in Underwood, M. CCMS Media Studies Infobase Mass Media: News Values, Accessed: 24 March 2005, http://www.cultsock.ndirect.co.uk/MUHome/cshtml/index.html
Hall Jamieson, K. & Waldman, P. (2003). The Press Effect, Politicians, Journalists, and the Stories that Shape the Political World, Chapter 5. Oxford: Oxofrd University Press.
Jupp, J. (1982). Party Politics: Australia 1966-1981. Sydney: Allen and Unwin.
"Kernot, Cheryl." (2005). Encyclopædia Britannica. Encyclopædia Britannica Premium Service, Accessed:8 May 2005 http://www.britannica.com/eb/article?tocId=9115372.
Kernot, C. (2002). Speaking for Myself Again: Four Years with Labor and Beyond, Chapter 8, Chapter 12. Australia: Harper Collins.
O'Shaughnessy, M. & Stadler, J. (2002). Media and Society 2nd ed, p. 87. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Simon O'Dwyer (1996) A jubilant John Howard becomes Australia's Prime Minister in March 1996, after the Liberals defeated Labor, ousting Paul Keating. Image in The Age, March 1996 online archive. Accessed: 08 May 2005 www.theage.com.au
Tiffen, R. (2002) in Cunningham, S. & Turner, G. (2002). The Media and Communications in Australia, Chapter 3, pp35-47. Australia: Allen&Unwin.
Tiffen, R. (1999). Scandals: Media Politics and Corruption in Contemporary Australia, Chapter 8 pp 206-239. Sydney: University of New South Wales Press