Arcanum Paterfamilias & Estvarya -- Ishvaran Glossary: N-Z
Authors:
mfelizandy &
fractured_chaos
Graphics:
fractured_chaos
Rating: For the Glossary, Everyone -- For the Stories, Teen
Category: Written for the 2010 FMA Big Bang Challenge.
Disclaimer: Fullmetal Alchemist (Hagane no Renkinjutsushi) was created by Arakawa Hiromu and is serialized monthly in Shonen Gangan (Square Enix). Both 'Fullmetal Alchemist' and 'Fullmetal Alchemist: Brotherhood' are produced by Funimation. Copyright for this property is held by Arakawa Hiromu, Square Enix and Funimation. All Rights Reserved
Special Thanks: To
evil_little_dog and
alchemyotaku75 for the beta, and
dzioo for the awesome artwork!
NOTE: This is an on-going project and is being used as reference for two stories. Thus, this glossary will remain in flux. Some words have vague definitions and need more, some of them need conjugations. Please keep checking back as these pages will be updated frequently. Thank you!
nayinha: (nah-yin-hah) (adj. formal) n. common. Cherished -- generally used by husbands toward their wives in common conversation. Root is nyin, "precious" in the temple tongue.
ncksun: (nx-sun) n. common. Literally "stick boy". A boy between age seven/eight and his kevarkhal who attends lessons on traditional Ishvarun fighting techniques, including the use of weapons like the spear, sword, bow, and "long stick".
Pronunciation Warning: Amestrians are advised to place a brief initial "un" sound at the beginning of this word, as that will be more easily understood than a pronunciation that slips a vowel in between n and x.
Cultural Note: As one of the explicit duties of adult Ishvarun men is the defense of family and tribe, boys are taught the rudiments of the Ishvarun fighting styles beginning at a very young age. The beginning of formal instruction in the temple coincides with the beginning of hand-to-hand fighting lessons in the temple courtyard. From ages four to seven or eight, the instruction focuses on balance and flexibility -- an Amestrian watching a lesson would likely say that it was more like gymnastic training than martial arts. At age seven, or eight at the latest, the boy may begin studying weapon techniques using wooden practice weapons. (Weapon training is not mandatory, and therefore some children and some parents choose not to pursue it.) Boys are expected to continue the bare-hands training until their kevarkhal, and a boy who neglects this study or does poorly at it will likely be considered effeminate and teased by other children. A boy who wishes to continue weapons' training past his kevarkhal must declare his intention to become a yevarshedaht. Such a boy is an ungwaiyar, or apprentice, and he studies under a yachos.
Women, as a rule, are not trained as melee troops. Traditionally, their role has been one of taking children and the infirm or elderly to safety. It is common for children of both sexes to practice with ancient-style slings, and historically women and even some children have fought as ranged and stealth support for their men. During the Ishvarun Rebellion the traditional division broke down to the point of women and even children becoming proficient rifle snipers as well as house-to-house fighters. With the restoration of peace the memory of women and children armed with anything more sophisticated than a sling and fighting foreigners face-to-face has come to be viewed as something of an embarrassment to Ishvarun male pride, and therefore it isn't discussed much.
Firearms in general aren't part of the traditional training of boys, and they aren't introduced to even ungwaiyar until the last two years of a youngster's apprenticeship. Fully-trained and consecrated yevarshedaht will sometimes carry rifles, if they see a need for it, but handguns are few and far between. Why this is so is cause for debate, but most yevarshedaht will say they simply don't like handguns.
ndaluar zalulya: (n-dal-oo-ah zah-loo-lah/zal-oo-lee-ah) n. common. Literally “forbidden lines”. This is the Ishvarun term for alchemical practices.
Cultural Note: The Ishvarun relationship with what westerners call alchemy is complex and not as clear-cut as is commonly believed. Historically, the ancient Ishvarun were one of the first cultures to systematize alchemical practice. Their early beliefs held that Ishvarra created the power of alchemy, and so long as it was used with respect and gratitude it was permissible. Over time, Ishvarun practice grew to larger and more complex arrays, until it was common for entire villages and even entire regions to draw and activate complementary arrays whose effects could stretch for miles. After the conquest and enslavement of the Ishvarun at the end of the third millennium before the Common Calendar, the religious leaders decided that indiscriminate use of alchemical power had brought their misfortunes on them. However, most Ishvarun communities do not outright ban the use of their alchemical practices. The patterns and meanings of Ishvarun arrays are kept in the “closed books”, and they have been used only once in the past thousand years, but they are at least theoretically available for use in extreme circumstances in which no ordinary muscle-and-wits solution can be found or implemented.
ndi: (n-dee) adv. common. “No.” Derived from the temple “nidyin” (need-yeen).
Pronunciation Warning: Amestrians are advised to place an initial “un” sound at the beginning of this word, rather than introducing a vowel between n and dee.
nyeri: (nie-ee-ree, n-yair-ee) (adj. formal) n. common. Beloved -- term of endearment used by wives toward their husbands. Literally "sweet-voice".
Cultural Note: Ishvarun courting customs include singing artfully (or at least with enthusiasm) to and of one's intended. The word is probably derived from aari, the far southern Aerugan dialect term for a young suitor.
ondareyah bajtes: (ahn-dray-yah bajh-ties) n. common. Literally “family bracelets”. The term refers to the tradition of heritage tattooing practiced among some of the Ishvarun tribes.
Cultural Note:It’s believed that the custom was first developed during the period of Ishvarun slavery to the Aerugans, as the Ishvarun emphasis on family and tribal ties persisted despite a general lack of books and literacy during the enslavement. Each tribe has its own base tattoo patterns, which are varied and added to according to both custom and personal taste. A youngster wishing to have the tattoos done will usually use the base pattern, plus a few embellishments reflecting some important event(s) or ties to another family member(s). The tattoos are first inked soon after the kevarkhal, and will generally be two fairly narrow bands reaching no higher than mid-forearm. Other marks may be added later, as a person’s status changes or to mark special events--i.e. a marriage, the births of children, or to reflect some significant information, such as the mastery of a given craft. The areas between meaningful marks may be decorated with other patterns or images that the individual simply likes enough to wear for a lifetime.
paiyid: (pie-yeed) pronoun. formal. Literally "guest from" in old Ishvaran. Used in the place of a surname or family name in certain circumstances.
Cultural Note: Miles paiyid Henbredg is "Miles from Henbredg", and is usually enough to identify an individual. Ishvarun matro and patronymics aren't for casual public use, and tribal names generally aren't considered the business of varisti, so the paiyid name keeps those with standardized forms happy. An Ishvarun who uses a paiyid name only has renounced her family -- see kevarkhal.
quarveh: (kar-veh) adj. n. common. "Blessed." Generally used by husbands and wives in common conversation. Root is kuvar, "we are God's" in the temple tongue. Initial consonant is another one that Amestrian ears don't distinguish very well.
radni: (rayd-nee) n. common. A northern woman's kerchief, worn tied around the head to protect the hair.
Cultural Note:The "everyday" kerchief is usually a simple affair, with perhaps a little decorative stitching or a few beads sewn along the edges. More formal headwear and hair adornments sport elaborate embroidery and beading, as well as small bells or jewels. An Ishvarun woman will only be seen with her hair loose and unadorned when she is going through the kevarkhal, getting married, or attending the funeral of a close friend or family member.
Women from the far southern tribes, which have been influenced the most by Aerugan customs, often don't wear radni, preferring to braid their hair in elaborate ways and decorate it with colored thread and small coins or bells. Some have even borrowed the concept of dozens of miniature braids arranged in artful patterns. This custom is tolerated by most Ishvarun so long as the hair isn't left entirely loose and without decoration.
Ishvarun men make much of the state of their wives' hair, and combing is a prized intimacy. Giving a kerchief to an Ishvarun girl is a statement of intent to court her with an eye toward marrying her, and a comb or brush is all but an offer of marriage.
An Ishvarun wife will see to her husband's grooming similarly -- he will shave himself but wait until his wife decides his hair needs trimming. Some wives let their husbands' hair grow to nearly waist-length, while others will crop it to barely a finger's width long.
These customs are the reason for the paucity of barbers in Ishvarun territory. To speak of a man's wife as "her hair is tangled" or of a woman's husband as "his hair grows like a dog's coat" is an accusation of severe neglect of one's marital duties.
raxsa, ranza: (rocks-ah, rahn-za) common. “You”.
Cultural Note: This, oddly, is one of the few terms for which the singular, numbered, and non-specific plurals are still used in daily conversation. Northern speakers tend to use the “raxsa” forms, whereas those further south usually use “ranza”, which has been influenced by both Aerugan sound patterns and the archaic forms used by the mozhkarishki.
red-: (red) n. common. Phoneme indicating masculinity. Usually a prefix.
roden na tozari: (ro-den na toes-ahree) noun phrase. Temple. Literally “a prisoner of the temple”.
Cultural Note: Ishvarun law only rarely allows for the captivity of a human being - both pragmatism and the cultural memory of slavery argue against holding a prisoner. On the occasion of taking a prisoner, that person will be held in and around the temple - usually on the highest balcony that faces the rising sun. Depending on the Elders' opinion of the prisoner's sense of honor, he may be restrained by more than a locked door, and guarded by a rotating team of the village men or, if the prisoner is considered especially dangerous, by yevarshedaht.
Ishvarun criminal law generally imposes fines, penitent labor, or exile as punishments. The Amestrian custom of locking up offenders for years at a time draws disdainful snorts from most practicing Ishvarun. “What use is it to feed an idle man?” “He learns nothing from being in a cage but to dislike the cage.” “Give him to the desert. God will decide whether his life should end.”
sahij: (sah-heej) n. common. “Tea”.
Cultural Note: The historical record isn’t clear on precisely when tea first became part of Ishvarun culture. What is certain is that the settled Ishvarun take great care to cultivate multiple varieties of tea trees, and that the tea woman (traditionally, tea trees are tended by a man, but the tea is sold by a woman) occupies an important social position in the community. Tea is a necessary part of Ishvarun hospitality, and it is used for multiple purposes both social and medicinal. A gift of tea can be used as an offer to make amends for an offense given.
Pronunciation Warning: Foreigners are advised to pronounce this word with care, as a non-native ear will confuse it with saij, “moon”. This isn’t an offense, but it will earn a great deal of laughter and teasing.
sahiya: (sah-hee-yah, occasionally sah-kee-ya or sah-chee-yah) n. common. An apprentice jhastovar. Literally “ink fingers” in archaic Ishvaran, as young writers tended to stain their fingers in the course of practicing.
Cultural Note: The sahiya is usually a youngster (traditionally almost always male, though more girls are choosing the profession of late) within one year of the kevarkhal who has a particular interest in preserving and adding to the history of the Ishvarun people, as well as acquiring new texts for the temple library. He will study the art of formal brush writing, as well as the more utilitarian common script. Sahiya will follow a consecrated jhastovar to events requiring formal recordkeeping, including the naming of newborn infants or foals, the blessing ceremonies for the building of new homes, and funeral rites. The apprentice carries a “traveling book”, which is no more than a notebook bound in sturdy leather. The sahiya takes notes in this book, then transcribes them in the formal style at the temple.
saij: (saheej) n. common. “Moon”
Cultural Note: The moon is believed to be a piece of the earth used by the Ishvarun god as a mask in the depths of prehistory. A young man courting a young woman will sing a song addressed to the god behind the moon, pleading his case and begging to see her face, hoping to entice his love interest to open the shutters and look out her window. The god is also said to be more receptive to pleas for forgiveness or the easing of misery both physical and emotional while the moon is out. (The night of a new moon is called the “night of despair” among the Ishvarun, and children born on such a night will be the subjects of constant prayer until they can be carried to the temple under the waxing moon and blessed by an Elder in a lengthy ceremony intended to introduce the child to the god and entreat the god’s protection. Such children will be listed in the records as born “under the sun” the following day.
Pronunciation Warning: Foreigners are advised to pronounce this word with care, as a non-native ear will confuse it with sahij, “tea”. This isn’t an offense, but it will earn a great deal of laughter and teasing.
sartu (sar-too) preposition, formal and common. “into”. Used as a prefix or suffix in the common tongue depending on the noun it’s attached to.
Cultural Note: ”Sartu Zhevath!” is the ancient battle cry of the Ishvarun, and it means literally “into the River!” With this cry, the warriors believe that they have plunged their souls into the River of their god, where they will either float back to shore (and thus live) or be carried along the current (while their physical bodies die) according to the god’s will. This surrender of the souls is probably part of what makes the Ishvarun such bold and indomitable warriors. In peacetime, the phrase will be used by Elders to cut off street arguments -- an Elder’s call of “Warriors of God!” will get a reflexive response from most Ishvarun males and yevarshedaht in particular -- these last will draw their swords and stand ready for the attack, which combined with the shout of ”Sartu Zhevath” is usually enough to settle any potential violence and convince the belligerents to take their argument to the temple plaza to be heard by the Elders and the community... which saves the yevarshedaht having to physically intervene to quell a riot.
sazamuz: (sah-zah-mooz) n. common. Taken from the Ishvarun hero stories of Saza, whose actions almost always had several layers of impact. Sazamuz is a corruption of Sazakeh muzheri, literally “Saza's deeds” in the temple dialect.
Cultural Note: In contemporary culture, sazamuz refers to the practice of accomplishing multiple goals with one action. Teachers and Elders are expected to be masters of the technique. One example that turns up fairly frequently is for a yachos to present his student with some simple item, such as a stick or piece of stone, and order him to carry it with him everywhere until he can tell the teacher why the teacher gave the item. Usually, the correct answer to the riddle is itself sazamuz. The teacher will wait until the student realizes that the usefulness (or uselessness) of a stone depends on what the human mind can envision using it for, and further that in choosing what to do with the stone, a human must make choices and therefore is inescapably forever faced with the dilemmas of right and wrong...and that in making that choice, the man shapes himself as much or more than he shapes the stone. This is also a demonstration of how much even an ordinary stone can teach, if one devotes time and attention to the matter. Sazamuz combines practicality with mysticism and philosophy, and is thus a recursive example of itself.
-si-: (seh, see) -not, anti-, un-
sivar: (seh-vahr, see-vahr) n. common. "anti-holy" (i.e. a demon)
Cultural Note: Demons, in Ishvarun stories, are almost always humans who have consciously sought depravity and evil, and in so doing destroyed their souls. Most demon stories involve a hero or heroine who must choose between the tempting, easy path and attractive appearance offered by a demon, and the difficult, dangerous, but ultimately right course offered by a prophet in some (generally unappealing) disguise or another.
sovar: (soh-vahr) pronoun. common. Literally "Holy Brother". An honorific generally used when one yevarshedaht addresses another of equivalent age and rank.
Cultural Note: Who is granted this title varies from one yevarshedaht to the next. One might refer to all yevarshedaht his own age as sovar, while another might use it only in high ceremony, when it's required.
Pronunciation Warning:Amestrians are warned not to use this word, as it is far too easy to slip and say sivar instead, which is one of the more serious insults one can offer any Ishvarun... and while an insulted yevarshedaht almost certainly won't unsheathe his sword over a mispronunciation, the one who made the mistake is likely to come away from the encounter with very painful and obvious bruises.
tae: (tay, tie, occasionally tee) n. common. “Yes”. Derived from the temple tahae (tah-hay).
Tani Yumtepi: (tah-nee yoom-teh-pee) n. common. Literally “faraway homes”.
Cultural Note: These are the refuges used by Ishvarun during times of extreme stress, including invasions, famines, or plagues. The details of how to find these places are carefully guarded -- there was a time when they were believed to be only a form of afterlife. The most an outsider can hope to learn is that each tribe does have at least one Tani Yumtepi, and that there are a few individuals in every community who know how to find it. It’s widely believed that the settled tribes bargain with the nomadic tribes of the deep desert to carry supplies to the strongholds, but as yet no one has been able to track the nomads far enough to find a hideaway big enough to accommodate more than two or three families, to say nothing of an entire tribe.
Tetar Z’oht: (tet-ahr z'owht) verb phrase. formal. This is the traditional Ishvarun rallying cry, used by leaders on the battlefield in ancient times, and as a way to call order and stave off bloodshed in the streets in more modern times.
Cultural Warning: This is not a phrase a foreigner should ever use, and if she hears it used outside of ncksun and ungwaiyartraining classes, a visitor would be well advised to seek safe shelter. The traditional response to Tetar Z’oht is Sartu Zhevath. Both phrases are of extreme antiquity, as evidenced by the presence of a second t in Tetar, the z sound followed by the glottal stop in Z’oht, and the -vath pronunciation and spelling in Zhevath. All of these features are grammatical indicators that have since fallen out of use, except in these formalized phrases.
toz: (toes, tahz) n. common. “Temple.”
Cultural Note: The temple in an Ishvarun community is considerably more than a place to worship. It is a complex including ceremonial spaces, living quarters, library rooms, bathing pools, gardens both decorative and practical, training areas, and storerooms. The rituals and customs regarding the construction, consecration, and use of a temple complex are intricate and followed with solemn attention to detail by the devout souls who design, build, and use it. The toz will be the first permanent structure raised by a group of Ishvarun who mean to settle and establish a new village.
It is the custom to make the doorway into the central worship space of the toz triple the usual width. This is to accommodate the yevarshedaht -- if there are two available they will sit facing each other literally in the doorway during the daily prayer ceremonies. Anyone coming in or going out must pass these guardians. They are sometimes included in the rituals, but only to the extent that they can participate without taking their eyes off the approaches to the temple or moving from their posts.
The daily rituals of the toz include a session in the morning, which is mandatory for children before the age of the kevarkhal, and an evening session, usually held right around sunset. This evening meeting is more of a community social affair, though there are still rituals and religious discussion involved.
Adults may go or not go to the temple services as suits their schedules and personal inclinations. However, eyebrows will start to rise and tongues will start to wag about anyone who fails to show up at least once every ten days or so. The rules for Elders and priests, including the yevarshedaht, are stricter.
tschodredn: (ts-show-dred-n) n. Common. "brother".
Usage and Pronunciation Note: Frequently clipped to dren (akin to "bro") or drenya (little bro) in casual conversation. The root form arden actually came from Creta through Aerugan during the period of Ishvarun slavery in Aerugo, and it's worked its way from the southern dialects into the northern ones, driving out older forms based in the temple tongue, much to the disgust of some. The initial consonant cluster is another of the ones Amestrian tongues almost inevitably stumble over.
tyeret: (t'yair-et) pronoun. common. "They (not Ishvarun)". Must take a tense marker.
ungwaiyar: (oon-gwhy-yar) n. formal. Literally "apprentice before God" in Old Ishvaran. Someone in formal training to become a yevarshedaht.
Cultural Note: As most boys are around fourteen at their kevarkhal, which is the traditional time to declare one's intention to enter the priesthood, ungwaiyar are usually between the ages of fourteen and twenty-two. Their training includes not just the legendary fighting skills of the Ishvarun warrior-priests but also study of Ishvarun history and law -- as the duties of the yevarshedaht include street mediation of disputes as well as "beat cop" and ceremonial functions, the ungwaiyar will spend almost as much time reading and reciting from the extensive corpus of Ishvarun literature as he does on the practice mats or running along garden walls. A youngster who changes his mind within a year or two of starting this intensive training will suffer no significant social penalties -- the Ishvarun say "the ungwaiyar is forever bruised, tired, and hungry" -- but if there have been two kevarkhal since the young man declared his apprenticeship, he will be considered to have wasted the time and teaching of the yachos and the Elders may impose some "penalty of the temple". (This will not be done in cases of a crippling injury to the ungwaiyar or other extreme circumstances.)
urike: (oor-ick-kay) n. common. Literally "a naked man".
Cultural Note: A term applied to a man who is not a husband according to Ishvarun law, but lives as one with a woman who is in good standing in the temple. He has no title to any marriage property, nor can any children born of such a marriage claim him in their patronymics -- they must instead use their grandfather's name -- in extreme cases their maternal grandfather's name, if the whole family has somehow become exiled or shunned. Since there is no marriage according to Ishvarun law, the wife in such an arrangement (called a "woman of her own house") may evict the husband without penalty -- and if she made his clothes, she need not let him take any clothing with him when he goes. The arrangement is of course intended to drive a straying male to seek reinstatement into the community. Urike status is both imposed and lifted by the Elders of a community, and it is a last-resort option before face-tattooed exile. It can also (rarely) be used to demonstrate disapproval of a woman's choice of mate.
uzrahji minzha: (ooz-ra-jhi meen-zhah) n. formal. “God’s Steward”.
Cultural Note: The term originally meant “lamp bearer” -- someone who walked ahead carrying a lantern for others to follow. The meaning has since drifted and generalized to mean almost anyone who helps those in need or cares for God’s creations without concern for personal gain -- or even to personal detriment. This can be either a momentary or a long-term designation. A man who assists an unrelated widow by repairing her roof is uzrahji minzha, as is a woman who takes in an orphan to raise as her own. The term is generally not applied to battlefield heroism, as uzrahji minzha carries with it an implication of understated stewardship of the world the Ishvarun God created, rather than armed defense of one’s people.
varisti: (vahr-`riss-tee) n. common and formal. Foreigner.
The phoneme -var indicates holiness. "Ishvarra" is roughly translated as "holy soul". "Sivar" is something like "anti-holy" (i.e. a demon), and "varisti" is "holy-deaf" -- or someone who ignores God.
Cultural Note: Originally used as an insult. However, in modern usage, it's primarily an identifier of someone who is not an ethnic Ishvarun, and/or not educated in the temple or the ways of Ishvarra.
vantseh (vahn-tseh, vohn-tsa) v. common. “Weave”
Cultural Note:Weaving, among the Ishvarun, is viewed as a primevally mystical activity, and in keeping with their general philosophical pattern, they apply the concept of sazamuz to it. On the most mundane level, weaving provides practical clothing and linens for the family. More generally, it represents a way for a dezherhuja or a widow to make a living. Ishvarun mysticism considers weaving to be the activity most like the practice of the Ishvarun god, as nothing (at least theoretically) need be destroyed in the entire process, beginning at the combing of the long fibers out of the coat of the goat (the typical fleece-bearing animal of the Ishvarun) and proceeding through spinning to weaving.
The loom is therefore a central piece of the Ishvarun household, somewhat akin to the kitchen table in that very few families will do without one. The condition and use of the loom indicates the health of a household in much of the folklore of the Ishvarun -- an Ishvarun hearing “the loom was dry and warped” understands that the marriage of the household is loveless and probably headed for disaster, while a statement that “she sang brightly at the loom” is an indication of a woman who is happy and hopeful for the future.
Ishvarun women are expected to know the basics of using the loom, and to do so at least on the major festivals of the Ishvarun calendar. Some choose to weave more often, whether to make cloth for household use or to sell. Ishvarun boys learn to carve and fit replacement pegs and see to other small repairs to the loom, and as men they are expected to attend to it regularly. Whether it is used daily or only at festival time, the loom must be kept in good condition with at least a small basket of thread nearby and ready for use. A neglected loom will cause the neighbors to believe something is seriously wrong in the household -- one or more Elders will stop by to inquire into the matter.
vrua: (vroo-ah, vroo-eh) n. Common. A female Elder.
xakurr: (chzak-kerr) n. common. Dog. This is the generic term for any canine. Modifiers are used to indicate whether the dog in question is a herding dog, a hunting dog, a guardian dog, a cart-dog, etc.
Cultural Note: Ishvarun dogs are considered to be working animals first, and pets second. A favorite dog will be allowed into its master's home to sleep, fed the leftovers of family meals as well as table scraps and the organs of slaughtered chickens, and exhibited to guests with pride. Dogs are specifically bred to serve as herding dogs, hunting dogs, and guardian dogs. Pups not selected for one of these jobs will be castrated and trained to catch and kill rats (mousing is generally viewed as the domain of cats), to pull small carts in assorted roles, or as household watchdogs. Extra or unwanted puppies tend to either be doled out to neighborhood children as pets, or end up as strays. Despite the Ishvarun proscription against the neglect of animals and the practice of castrating male dogs not considered worth breeding, unintended breeding happens fairly frequently, and so strays are both common and generally short-lived.
-ya: (yah) n. common. Youth, inexperience, smallness. Only ever used of living things.
yachos: (yah-kohs) n. common. A master yevarshedaht, one who teaches ungwaiyar and performs the role of a commander of the guard or field officer.
Cultural Note: This role is much like that of Elder, in that it's usually awarded by general consensus and formalized after the fact. Ncksun will gravitate toward a yevarshedaht, then when they become ungwaiyar they will ask him to teach them. To refuse such a request is highly unusual and will be taken as an insult to the boy and his tribe unless a very compelling explanation is offered. (Extreme old age is one such explanation, though most hopeful ungwaiyar will not ask a man of obvious physical infirmity for training in the first place.) In larger towns there may be multiple yachos active at any given time -- sometimes they will split the duties among themselves so that one teaches the history and law, another teaches horsemanship and archery, a third teaches unarmed fighting, and so on. In other cases the ungwaiyar choose from among available teachers based on personal preference, tribal ties, personal prestige, parental preference, and so on. In any case, a yachos will usually be considered to have "enough" ungwaiyar at three, and "too many" at six.
ye: (yeh) n. common. A man.
ye'en: (yeh-een) v. formal and common. "Stop." Literally "Man, be still." In the temple tongue, this is generally specific to God speaking to grown men or men commanding armies, but in the common tongue the definition is looser.
Usage Warning: Used by Amestrians in Ishvar when taking prisoners, and as such it's fallen out of favor -- using it is something of an insult. "Wait" is the more common term used to catch a running child.
yevarshedaht: (yeh-`vahr-shuh-dot) n. formal. Warrior Priest
yevar-: "Man of God" -- a priest.
-daht: "spear/sword". From the ancient Ishvaran. Modern warrior-priests carry a weapon called a falcata, which is a word borrowed with the weapon's basic shape from the invading proto-Cretans.
yevarzherih: (yeh-’vahr-zjheh-reeh) n. formal. Literally “Voice of God”. The title of the highest leader of the mozhkarishki.
yi-: (yeeh) A woman
Yivanzna: (yee-vahnz-na, ee-vahn-sa) pronoun. formal. Literally “weaver woman”. This can be used to refer to a woman who weaves for a living, especially if she is unmarried or a widow, but it is more commonly used to refer to a figure from folklore.
Cultural Note: The Weaver Woman of the story is an outcast character who is turned away by Ishvarun villagers, and then avenged by the Ishvarun god, whose wrath only ends when a house for the (now dead) weaver woman is built and furnished with the basic necessities of life and a loom. This story has resulted in the Ishvarun custom of providing a form of guest house to refugees and other visitors who arrive without the wherewithal to support themselves. The “weaver woman’s house” is nearly always situated on the south edge of town, and it is usually just large enough to accommodate three or at most four people at a time. Upon the arrival of a refugee, the house will be opened and stocked with food and other necessities, including a few chickens. A large basket of thread will be set beside the loom, and a hammer and knife will be placed on the table, so that the house’s inhabitants can go about making themselves useful. In some cases, a woman from the village might volunteer to serve as a cook and housekeeper, if the guest is male and without female relatives to run the household. In either case, the resident of the weaver woman’s house is expected (within certain limits) to do something to contribute to the community. A woman who weaves or a man who does odd jobs will be supported indefinitely, so long as they obey the social norms of the community. Usually, no one remains in the weaver woman’s house for more than a few months -- if someone lives there and does nothing to repay the community’s kindness, that kindness will gradually be withdrawn, and a second house will be set up and named as the weaver woman’s house. If the resident has become a permanent member of the community, he or she will generally move into another home after a few months, or offer to help establish a new house as the weaver woman’s house.
This form of hospitality collapsed during the war with Amestris, and it is only sporadically reestablishing itself as the Ishvarun rebuild and reclaim their culture. In Xerxes and a few other large towns, some families have chosen to establish a form of boardinghouse or inn to accommodate the large influxes of traders and other travelers who can’t be handled the traditional way because of their sheer numbers. “The weaver woman’s house” is now sometimes the title applied to any camp or building offered to a visiting foreign dignitary who has no consulate or embassy to use -- thus there may be a “weaver woman’s house” four stories tall and having a total of thirty or more rooms. No matter the structure, however, in every guest house run by Ishvarun, there will be a loom and a basket of thread displayed prominently in the front room, ready for the weaver woman of the story.
ynanst'vo: (een-anst'voh) n. formal and common. Literally "street dancing".
Cultural Note: This refers to a specific type of traditional dancing most often performed at courting parties arranged by youngsters and their parents every so often. The custom is for girls and boys of marriageable age to sing to each other, working the name of the intended partner into the song. If the named youngster accepts, he or she will take the arm of the singer and the two of them will dance and chat and share each others' company for the duration of the party.
yols hatemzherit: (yohls hot-em-zair-it) common. "Thank you".
Historical and Usage Notes: Drawn more or less straight from the temple tongue phrases "yuhlsa dimzhir fhrit" (yool-za dim-zere-frit) meaning "(tribal we) will remember your deed", which is used only when addressing God, and "yulsa harahm" (yul-sah hah-rom), "(tribal we) are grateful". Most Ishvarun will say "hatemzher" (hot-em-zer or haw-dem-zair, depending on where the speaker grew up) or even "emzher" (em-zer or dem-zair) in daily conversation, using the full phrase only in situations calling for the most formal and courteous behavior -- such as when hosting foreign dignitaries or visiting Elders from distant tribes.
yulsh hikyahyi: (yulsch hick-yah-hyi) idiomatic phrase. A phrase that appears in Ishvarun texts as a form of punctuation, sometimes to mark the end of one story and the beginning of another, sometimes to mark a passage of importance. Roughly translated, it means "so tell the story". Most of the southern tribes traditionally respond to such a phrase with kuzhemi paveh, (koozh-ay-mee pah-veh) "we listen and speak". Northern tribes say "olschka zimyair" (Ohl-sh-ka zim-yah-eer) meaning "we remember".
zaio'autsa: (zhow-owts-tsah) n. common. Dust-born.
Usage Warning: The phrase "dust-born" is an insult rising from the sacred nature of water in the Ishvarun religion. One born in the dust, without water, isn't a creature blessed by God and is therefore probably a demon or demon spawn. Highly insulting and thus best not used by foreigners no matter what the provocation.
zhirush nakakoar: (zhih-roosh/zhih-rush nahka-koh-ahr) n. formal. The first steps. This temple tongue phrase is used to refer both to the literal first steps taken by human children and equine foals, and to the more figurative path toward wisdom and righteousness. Thus a child attending the first lessons at the toz, a penitent walking the Sinner’s Path, and a newly-married couple are all considered to be doing zhirush nakakoar.
zhruja: (zroo-zjah) n. common. Wife
zhoji: (jho-gee) n. common. Literally "tribe man", or a man of one's village. Honorific used by children to adult males.
Cultural Note: Roughly equivalent to the Amestrian "mister", though there is a historical connotation of one addressed as zhoji being a man expected to protect and raise the child who addresses him so, if the child's parents and other relatives are dead or incapable of raising children. The root word oji or ojzee is Aerugan for "uncle".
Zhevat vorna Zhivot: (zjhee-vaht vorna zjhee-vowt) ritual phrase. formal. Roughly "River’s Beginning, River’s End". Another name for God.
Usage Warning: Primarily used in prayers for and by the dying. An individual who requests ahmurt kuvar will, if able, give his/her name to the yevarshedaht who will perform the ritual, and as the yevarshedaht begins the prayer that will tell Ishvarra he is sending a soul to Her, the dying will say, "Yishvarra, Zhevat vorna Zhivot." This is acknowledgment that Ishvarra gave the individual life, and he is returning it to Her.
zivljda: (zeev-ljh-da) n. common. A woman's trousers.
Pronunciation Warning: Amestrians are advised to place a uhl sound before the second syllable to avoid being misunderstood.
Cultural Notes:In traditional culture, an Ishvarun woman usually wears either an ankle-length skirt or a long dress belted around her waist. However, when she is either riding a horse or doing some task that would be significantly hindered by a skirt (putting up a house is one such task), she may don a pair of loose-fitted trousers that tie around the waist and are carefully wrapped from ankle to mid-calf. Over these trousers she will wear a sort of light apron or short skirt that reaches only to mid-thigh. This outfit is considered unfeminine and unsuitable for any social interaction except community building projects.
Children of either sex wear loose trousers and a loose shirt along with "running sandals". Little girls may wear a skirt or dress and radni, but are not required to until they reach the kevarkhal.
Ishvarun men usually wear a man's "working sandals", trousers with straight-cut legs, and a shirt or tunic with either a loose squared-off yoke or keyhole neckline. The sleeves of the shirt may be any length from mid-palm to entirely missing, but any sleeve that appears will be cut to lie close to the body. An everyday work shirt for an Ishvarun male will have two layers over the shoulders and shoulder blades -- this is intended to make the garment last longer, as heavy loads carried on the shoulders and back (as so frequently happens in the building trades) will damage the fabric the most in these areas.
Both sexes and all ages tend to wear cloaks rather than coats in inclement weather. Cloaks can be anything from undyed linen sheets with a simple button to hold them closed to thick leather blankets trimmed with fur and made with hook and eye closures to seal them. Traders, wandering scholars, and others who do a lot of traveling will often wear tunics with cowl-draped hoods, sand glasses or goggles, and a “dust mask” -- i.e. a bit of thin linen tied over the nose and mouth to keep out sand and dust.
Ceremonial and party clothing usually follows the same basic patterns as everyday clothing, with the additions of vests, jewelry, and specialized shoes made specifically for dancing.
Ishvarun clothing is traditionally earth-toned, with the sashes of men and the radni of women the primary bits of color. In ancestral times, this was both because most colors of dye were either labor-intensive to produce or expensive luxuries bought from foreign traders, and because desert colors blended better with the land and therefore made hunting easier. Colorful beads and intricate embroidery are signs of wealth and skill, and displayed in abundance on ceremonial and party finery. The Ishvarun also enjoy colorful flowers, and lay beautiful geometric mosaics on the walls and floors of their homes and temples.